Here are 100 books that May '68 and Its Afterlives fans have personally recommended if you like
May '68 and Its Afterlives.
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Iâm a historian of Modern Europe based in Berlin. For the last twenty years or so, Iâve worked on different forms of protesting and street politics in twentieth-century Europe, always with an eye to how these histories might speak to the present. Having taught at the British University of Warwick, Iâm now teaching high school students in Berlin, a career change that raised a simple but fundamental question once again: Why should we bother with history? What can we learn from history today? My passion for histories of protesting provides the answer to this question: These are histories that inspire dreaming, struggling, experimentingâand continuing to do so despite failures.
How could a bunch of creative, courageous, but also somewhat crazy activists make the authoritarian regime of Poland under communist rule tremble? By bringing a moment of joy and laughter to an otherwise dull and grey world. That is what the Polish Orange Alternative Movement did during the late 1980s.
Lives of the Orange Men tells the story of the group. Itâs a book that simply made me laugh a lot. Written as a series of captivating autobiographiesâand not every word is to be taken seriously!âit is full of anecdotes of activists playfully mocking authorities. âWhat are those pills,â police once wondered after searching the backpack of an arrested activist. âHappy pills,â the man replied. One officer was eager to try them; happy pills just sounded too good. They turned out to be mints.
Between 1981 and 1989 in Wroclaw Poland, in an atmosphere in which dissent was forbidden and martial law a reality, the art-activist Orange Alternative movement developed and deployed their socialist sur-realism in absurd street-painting and large-scale performances comprising tens of thousands of people dressed as dwarves, in an effort to destabilize the Communist government. It worked. Beginning with the dialectical painting of dwarves onto the patches of white paint all over the citys walls, which uncannily marked the censorship of opposition slogans, the group moved on to both stage happenings and over-enthusiastically embrace official Soviet festivals in a way thatâŠ
It is April 1st, 2038. Day 60 of China's blockade of the rebel island of Taiwan.
The US government has agreed to provide Taiwan with a weapons system so advanced that it can disrupt the balance of power in the region. But what pilot would be crazy enough to runâŠ
Iâm a historian of Modern Europe based in Berlin. For the last twenty years or so, Iâve worked on different forms of protesting and street politics in twentieth-century Europe, always with an eye to how these histories might speak to the present. Having taught at the British University of Warwick, Iâm now teaching high school students in Berlin, a career change that raised a simple but fundamental question once again: Why should we bother with history? What can we learn from history today? My passion for histories of protesting provides the answer to this question: These are histories that inspire dreaming, struggling, experimentingâand continuing to do so despite failures.
Workers ignoring the authority of foremen, organizing disruptive checker-board strikesâonly those whose names started with a certain letter put down tools, but enough to bring work to a haltâforming alliances with rebellious students and battling the police in the streets: thatâs the story of Italy around 1968, the place of some of the most radical and imaginative protests in the post-war era.
What workers demanded was as simple as it was radical: we want everything. Nanni Balestriniâs novel by the same title memorializes these struggles. It achieves what few sober historical accounts can: vividly capturing the dull monotony of labor suffocating young workers and the thrill of agitation on the shop floor and rebellion in the streets.Â
It was the Autumn of 1969, and Italy exploded. Across the north of the country, factory workers stormed out on strike, demanding better pay and working conditions. The slogan "We Want Everything" rang through the streets. Italy's "Hot Autumn" had begun.
In Nanni Balestrini's fictionalized account of the uprising, a young worker from Italy's impoverished south arrives at Fiat's Mirafiori factory in Torino, where he barely scrapes by with fourteen hour days of backbreaking work. His frustration is palpable, and soon he is agitating again his bosses for fun and giving himself minor injuries to win sick leave. Soon enough,âŠ
Iâm a historian of Modern Europe based in Berlin. For the last twenty years or so, Iâve worked on different forms of protesting and street politics in twentieth-century Europe, always with an eye to how these histories might speak to the present. Having taught at the British University of Warwick, Iâm now teaching high school students in Berlin, a career change that raised a simple but fundamental question once again: Why should we bother with history? What can we learn from history today? My passion for histories of protesting provides the answer to this question: These are histories that inspire dreaming, struggling, experimentingâand continuing to do so despite failures.
What fascinates me about the history of protesting isnât only that ordinary people campaigned for or against political change but also that they started experimenting with different ways of living. This is why Sasha Roseneilâs book made me dream and smile: a deeply human and intimate book based on oral history interviews, telling the story of the womenâs protest camp at the Greenham Common Airforce base in England, where American Cruise Missiles equipped with nuclear warheads were stationed.
The women of Greenham Common, as Roseneilâs book wonderfully shows, did more than protest the dangers of nuclear war. In the cold and dirt of the camp, amidst the fear of nuclear annihilation, they built a community of laughter, dancing, hugging, and caring: a âqueer space,â as Roseneil puts it, of trying out alternatives to the Cold War world of bureaucracy and rationality.
This is a book about how individual, social, political and cultural change is created through the actions of ordinary women. It is about a unique community of women where conventions were overturned and lives transformed, and it is about a social movement in which tens of thousands of women confronted the police and military to resist the momentum towards nuclear war. The women's peace camp at Greenham Common represented a new direction for feminism in Britain, a queer post-modern feminism which broke with tradition and destabilized certainties. This book weaves together stories of life at Greeham with analysis of itsâŠ
A Duke with rigid opinions, a Lady whose beliefs conflict with his, a long disputed parcel of land, a conniving neighbour, a desperate collaboration, a failure of trust, a love found despite it all.
Alexander Cavendish, Duke of Ravensworth, returned from war to find that his father and brother hadâŠ
Iâm a historian of Modern Europe based in Berlin. For the last twenty years or so, Iâve worked on different forms of protesting and street politics in twentieth-century Europe, always with an eye to how these histories might speak to the present. Having taught at the British University of Warwick, Iâm now teaching high school students in Berlin, a career change that raised a simple but fundamental question once again: Why should we bother with history? What can we learn from history today? My passion for histories of protesting provides the answer to this question: These are histories that inspire dreaming, struggling, experimentingâand continuing to do so despite failures.
I hardly imagined the Soviet Union, a place of grey and black, with the only sparks of color being red, to be a place for hippie culture to flourish. Juliane FĂŒrstâs book taught me otherwise. It leads into a world of people like Azazello and Ofelia, who look like âangels, creatures from another world, blots of color on a grey canvas, flowers in a concrete desert.â
The book traces how these hippies, against all odds, found ways to distance themselves from the Soviet System, not through open opposition but through dreaming of and living a different life, communally, spiritually, and often on the road. And FĂŒrstâs book does more than merely portray Soviet hippies in a fundamentally sympathetic way: It also reveals what we can learn about a larger society by studying those at the margins. It is an unusual but highly illuminating perspective on the late Soviet Union.
Flowers through Concrete: Explorations in Soviet Hippieland takes the reader on a journey into the lives and thoughts of Soviet hippies. In the face of disapproval and repression, they created a version of Western counterculture, skillfully adapting to, manipulating, and shaping their late socialist environment. Flowers through Concrete takes its readers into the underground hippieland and beyond, situating the world of hippies firmly in late Soviet reality and offering both an unusual history of the last Soviet decades as well as a case study of transnational youth culture and East-West globalization.
Flowers through Concrete is based on over a hundredâŠ
I go by the title AmericanStudier in my public scholarship and take that name very seriously. I believe nothing is more important for our future than better remembering our past and that pushing the nation toward its most inspiring ideals requires grappling with our hardest and most painful histories. On my AmericanStudies blog, in my Saturday Evening Post Considering History column, and in all my other scholarly, public, and social media content, I am committed to sharing our histories and stories, figures and works, voices, and writing in all forms and for all audiences. I hope youâll join me in this work by reading and sharing these great books!
My favorite American novel is at once the most righteously angry and the most beautifully optimistic book Iâve ever read.Â
Historical fiction urgently responding to the present, an intimate family saga that creates an entire communityâChesnuttâs masterpiece is a book Iâve taught almost every year of my career, and I find something new in it each time I read it.
No book reminds me more potently of the worst of our history, and no book inspires me to fight for our best more passionately.Â
Based on a historically accurate account of the Wilmington, North Carolina, "race riot" of 1898, African-American author Charles W. Chesnutt's innovative novel is a passionate portrait of the betrayal of black culture in America.
For more than seventy years, Penguin has been the leading publisher of classic literature in the English-speaking world. With more than 1,700 titles, Penguin Classics represents a global bookshelf of the best works throughout history and across genres and disciplines. Readers trust the series to provide authoritative texts enhanced by introductions and notes by distinguished scholars and contemporary authors, as well as up-to-date translations by award-winningâŠ
Iâm both a history buff and a criminal defense attorney. I grew up in a small North Carolina town, as the son of two educators who encouraged me to read anything I could get my hands on. My favorite stories were adventures and mysteries, especially courtroom dramas. Clarence Darrow was my historical hero, so I guess it wasnât surprising that I would attend law school and try my hand at legal practice. I practiced criminal law for about 15 years, long enough to get a feel for how investigations and trials really work. That experience had a major impact on my own writing, and how to pick out a really fascinating true story.
In one of my very favorite books of the past twenty years, Tim Tyson describes the brutal racist murder of a Black man in small-town North Carolina in 1970. He also goes into the aftermath, which Tim personally observed with the eyes of the ten-year-old son of the townâs Methodist minister. His father tried sincerely, with little success, to bridge the townâs racial divide as militant young Blacks took to the streets, burning warehouses. Tim is a remarkably poignant storyteller, and every page is stamped with his compassion, his wit, his keen eye for human nature. And most especially, with the wisdom that he learned from his father over the years. Some folks have compared it with To Kill a Mockingbird, and I definitely agree. And on a personal note, Timâs father, Reverend Dr. Vernon Tyson, was a friend of my family for many years.
The ârivetingâ* true story of the fiery summer of 1970, which would forever transform the town of Oxford, North Carolinaâa classic portrait of the fight for civil rights in the tradition of To Kill a Mockingbird  *Chicago Tribune
On May 11, 1970, Henry Marrow, a twenty-three-year-old black veteran, walked into a crossroads store owned by Robert Teel and came out running. Teel and two of his sons chased and beat Marrow, then killed him in public as he pleaded for his life.  Like many small Southern towns, Oxford had barely been touched by the civil rights movement. But in theâŠ
The Duke's Christmas Redemption
by
Arietta Richmond,
A Duke who has rejected love, a Lady who dreams of a love match, an arranged marriage, a house full of secrets, a most unneighborly neighbor, a plot to destroy reputations, an unexpected love that redeems it all.
Lady Charlotte Wyndham, given in an arranged marriage to a man sheâŠ
Much of the Britain that's exported to the world is fed by the monochromatic myth of nobility and royalty, but the heart of Britain is multifaceted and multicultural. I didnât grow up in London, but grew up visiting family here and âThe Big Smokeâ had an allure for me. The people were all different colours and ethnicities and it truly felt like the most exciting place in the world. I moved here the week I turned 18, and I havenât left. It's a harsh, expensive city, and it's much too busy to provide anyone with any lasting sanity, but here I found a version of Black Britain that I was missing in my hometown.
This is a modern classic â one that provides a slice of a very pivotal time in Black British history.
The 1980s saw a lot of civil unrest in Britain, from workersâ strikes to uprisings fuelled by racial tensions and police brutality. East of Acre Lane is set in Brixton â a neighbourhood in London that saw its fair share of uprisings â amongst the young Black Caribbean community.
It is such an authentic portrait, down to the musicality of the slang and dialects used. Itâs immersive, itâs got action, itâs moving, itâs everything!
'Alex Wheatle writes from a place of honesty and passion' Steve McQueen, director of Small Axe
East of Acre Lane is the fast-paced and razor sharp story of a young man trying to do the right thing from celebrated author Alex Wheatle, one of the figures who inspired Steve McQueen's Small Axe
It is 1981, and Brixton is on the verge of exploding. Biscuit lives with his mother, brother and sister, trapped hustling on the frontline for the South London badman Nunchucks. As the patience of the community breaks and the riots erupt, Biscuit must make a choice that couldâŠ
For most of my life, I have dedicated myself to confronting, combatting, or deconstructing white supremacy. It impacts everyone. Much of my work is about highlighting the ways Black people have refused and resisted racial discrimination, violence, and harm. We can never have too many tools, and equally important for me was being able to have tools that achieved their purpose. I wrote We Refuse: A Forceful History of Black Resistance to remind readers that there has never been a time in the history of this country when Black people have not fought back against their oppression.
Ok, when this book debuted, there was some controversy, the cover centers one large crowbar! But when a reader really takes the time to sit with the arguments Osterweil is making, she cannot be denied.
Her book is more than a pitch to loot or even burn it all down, Osterweil wants us to understand why people loot and furthermore, she wants us to be more disturbed by the reasons for looting than the act itself.
If the truth sets us free, then we should all be willing to ask the hard questions. This book does that.
A fresh argument for rioting and looting as our most powerful tools for dismantling white supremacy.
Looting -- a crowd of people publicly, openly, and directly seizing goods -- is one of the more extreme actions that can take place in the midst of social unrest. Even self-identified radicals distance themselves from looters, fearing that violent tactics reflect badly on the broader movement.
But Vicky Osterweil argues that stealing goods and destroying property are direct, pragmatic strategies of wealth redistribution and improving life for the working class -- not to mention the brazen messages these methods send to the policeâŠ
I developed a strong interest in current events, especially politics, in high school. What the government does, or does not do, struck me as a vital piece of the puzzle in trying to explain why things are the way they are. That soon led, however, to seeing how the past continues to influence the present. No decade is more important than the 1960s for understanding our current political climate.
On May 8, 1970, just days after the killing of four college students at Kent State University, construction workers in New York City violently attacked a group that had gathered to protest the Vietnam War.
Kuhn offers a riveting account of the events (dubbed the âHardhat Riotâ by some and âWorkersâ Woodstockâ by others), but he also situates them into a broader story of how the war and other developments of the 1960s exacerbated divisions within the Democratic Party between white, heavily unionized blue-collar workers in the urban North and an emerging class of college-educated professionals.Â
Nixon successfully courted many of the blue-collar workers on the way to his landslide victory in 1972. Kuhn is no apologist for the workers, but he also avoids facile stereotypes about the white working class, some of which persist to this day. Â
In May 1970, four days after Kent State, construction workers chased students through downtown Manhattan, beating scores of protestors bloody. As hardhats clashed with hippies, it soon became clear that something larger was happening; Democrats were at war with themselves. In The Hardhat Riot, David Paul Kuhn tells the fateful story-how chaotic it was, when it began, when the white working class first turned against liberalism, when Richard Nixon seized the breach, and America was forever changed. It was unthinkable one generation before: FDR's "forgotten man" siding with the party of Big Business and, ultimately, paving the way for presidenciesâŠ
This book follows the journey of a writer in search of wisdom as he narrates encounters with 12 distinguished American men over 80, including Paul Volcker, the former head of the Federal Reserve, and Denton Cooley, the worldâs most famous heart surgeon.
In these and other intimate conversations, the bookâŠ
Iâm a philosopher, writer, and illustrator from Wales, UK. I grew up on â70s sci-fiâStar Wars (the original trilogy!), Battlestar Galactica (the original series!), The Black Hole (Remember that?! No? Oh wellâŠ). Space travel, flying cars, sassy computers you could banter with, cute robots who would be your best friendâit was a time when the future seemed just around the corner. But now, as these things finally start to arrive, I feel Iâve been mis-sold. Data theft? Mass surveillance? Killer drones? Election manipulation? Social media bot farms? This isnât the future I signed up for! Or maybe I should have read the terms and conditionsâŠ
But canyou fight the future? Isnât it inevitable? This is often how tech companies try to make us think, and that anyone who opposes âprogressâ is a Luddite. But, as Patrick Sale makes clear in this excellent and heartbreaking historical study, the original Ludditesâa protest movement that swept the industrial heartland of 19th Century Englandâwere not anti-technology; they merely thought technology should serve people, not profit. Faced with the destruction of their livelihoods and their traditional way of life, they destroyed machines and burnt factories because that was the only outlet they had for their rage and desperation. And when the âinevitable march of progressâ comes to trample you too, you may see that they had a point.
Kirkpatrick Sale is at the tumultuous centre of a technology backlash, actively challenging Bill Gates on the one hand and the Unabomber on the other. The subject of bets, barbs, and grudging praise in the pages of WIRED, The New York Times, Newsweek, and The New Yorker, Rebels Against the Future takes us back to the first technology backlash, the short-lived and fierce Luddite rebellion of 1811. Sale tells the compelling story of the Luddites'struggle to preserve their jobs and way of life by destroying the machines that threatened to replace them he then invokes a new-Luddite spirit in responseâŠ