I have been a professor of political science for over 25 years, and I am interested in what causes wars and what causes defeats. I have also been involved in military planning, policy, and politics. I am constantly on the lookout for the pedagogically most impactful accounts of processes and events for my students, to quickly level them up to participate in the policy field. I am especially sensitive and interested in methodologically sound works, where alternative explanations are laid out, and there is a rigorous test to establish the validity of hypotheses.
How civilian and military leaders share grand-strategic decision-making, especially decisions for war, is not the straightforward assumption that greater military…
This book is the most detailed description of the largest deception operation of the Second World War, the landings at D-Day, with a higher secrecy priority than even Ultra, the cryptanalysis effort. In general terms, it is the most satisfyingly detailed examination of any intelligence operation (at 850 pages), loaded with interviews, and should be a template for studying any operation.
It explains the contradiction of German military efficiency and arrogant incompetence, as both Hitler and the German General Staff gradually came to realize that Normandy was the likely landing spot and that their Enigma intercepts were compromised. It digresses perfectly, leaving no subject unturned, and makes associations and personality assessments only possible in a text of this size.
Examines Allied intelligence and counter-intelligence operations during World War II, describing the cipher machine used to break German codes and the tactics, ruses, and deceptions employed to ensure the successful invasion of Normandy
John Ranelagh’s history of the CIA should be the very first book read on U.S. espionage. At 800 pages, heavily grounded in interviews, it covers the period from before the Second World War to the mid-1980s. It convincingly overturns every misconception about the CIA, including its exaggerated roles in coups, assassinations, and the Phoenix Program.
Actually, the book is a detailed sociological study of the U.S. elite, Presidential governance, and intra-agency biases. Surprisingly, with its foundation in the O.S.S. and recruits from American communists who had fought in the Spanish Civil War, the CIA is a highly professional but liberal institution, sometimes stubbornly out of alignment with the establishment, such as over Vietnam.
Scores of interviews with insiders and more than seven thousand pages of formerly classified documents support this history of the CIA, which focuses on "The Company's" remarkable personalities and leaders from Wild Bill Donovan to William Casey
It is April 1st, 2038. Day 60 of China's blockade of the rebel island of Taiwan.
The US government has agreed to provide Taiwan with a weapons system so advanced that it can disrupt the balance of power in the region. But what pilot would be crazy enough to run…
This book is the most systematic examination of how leaders achieve power and exercise it, and should be the first book read by all political scientists.
The author, a professor of political science, walked across the street from Yale University into the city hall of New Haven, and proceeded to test an exhaustive list of variables in a three-century survey of the city’s Mayorship. What matters? Ethnicity, religion, race, unions, clubs, personality, family, reputation, service, experience? The answer is that the political winners are the product of complex interactions, with plenty of unexpected links and the important role of the timely exploitation of passing opportunities.
This text is the ultimate antidote to conspiracy theorists.
"A major breakthrough in American political science, and a work destined, deservedly, to influence profoundly all future investigation of our politics... masterful, imaginative, and courageous. I recommend it unreservedly to the attention of all students of American politics."-Willmoore Kendall
If Hitler had obtained a nuclear weapon, it would have had a dramatic geopolitical impact on world history. Hitler is poorly understood, especially in the United States, and is often miscaricatured as Charlie Chaplin, or brushed off superficially as evil, mad or sick.
John Toland’s definitive account, based on over 150 interviews with persons who had known or worked with Adolf Hitler, puts into sharp focus Hitler’s energy and tremendous memory, his high emotional quotient, manipulativeness, his doubts, and consequently the danger he posed in a far more vivid and creditable manner than are achieved by cosmetic popular accounts.
It is an important text because Hitler’s fantasies and mistakes are predictably reproduced by so many other dictators, especially those who find themselves among vulnerable people who share those fantasies.
Pulitzer Prize-winning historian John Toland's classic, definitive biography of Adolf Hitler remains the most thorough, readable, accessible, and, as much as possible, objective account of the life of a man whose evil effect on the world in the twentieth century will always be felt.
Toland's research provided one of the final opportunities for a historian to conduct personal interviews with over two hundred individuals intimately associated with Hitler. At a certain distance yet still with access to many of the people who enabled and who opposed the führer and his Third Reich, Toland strove to treat this life as if…
It is April 1st, 2038. Day 60 of China's blockade of the rebel island of Taiwan.
The US government has agreed to provide Taiwan with a weapons system so advanced that it can disrupt the balance of power in the region. But what pilot would be crazy enough to run…
This is the most compelling explanation for why major wars have started over the last half-millennium. His thesis is very simple: countries are tempted to start wars to conquer their own continents, even if there is a low prospect of success, because the payoff is tremendous.
The U.S., which is the only country to have achieved continental hegemony, pays very little for the cost of its defense because of the protection of the Oceans, and is able to project power to support smaller countries draining the resources of the regional hegemonic candidates on other continents.
This book does not explain most wars, just the ones most likely to involve all of the great powers, nuclear weapons, and to have the greatest impact in terms of the deaths of millions, post-war international institutions, and the most wide-sweeping territorial changes.
The updated edition of this classic treatise on the behavior of great powers takes a penetrating look at the question likely to dominate international relations in the twenty-first century: Can China rise peacefully? In clear, eloquent prose, John Mearsheimer explains why the answer is no: a rising China will seek to dominate Asia, while the United States, determined to remain the world's sole regional hegemon, will go to great lengths to prevent that from happening. The tragedy of great power politics is inescapable.
How civilian and military leaders share grand-strategic decision-making, especially decisions for war, is not the straightforward assumption that greater military influence causes conflict. Civilian and military actors differ in their perspectives on the assessment of external threats, the speed and completeness of collective decision-making, and biases regarding cabinet functions, such as foreign affairs and the interior.
Contrary to the Clausewitzian dictum that war is an extension of politics and that, therefore, civilian supremacy is optimal, the optimal civilian-military balance in a cabinet depends on the nature of the strategic threat. Overly civilized decision-making can be equally dysfunctional, particularly in its failure to appreciate threats and to respond expeditiously.